名人演讲：国会珍珠港演说

　　美国第32任总统富兰克林·D·罗斯福(Franklin D. Roosevelt )(1933—1945)，一直被视为美国历史上最伟大的总统之一，是20世纪美国最孚众望和受爱戴的总统，也是美国历史上惟一连任4届总统的人，从1933年3月起，直到1945年4月去世时为止，任职长达12年。曾赢得美国民众长达7周的高支持率，创下历史记录。

　　富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福出生于纽约。父亲詹姆斯·罗斯福是一个百万富翁。母亲萨拉·德拉诺比父亲小26岁。罗斯福曾就读于哈佛大学和哥伦比亚大学。1910年任纽约州参议员。1913年任海军部副部长。1921年因患脊髓灰质炎致残。1928年任纽约州长。1932年竞选总统获胜。执政后，以“新政”对付经济危机，颇有成效，故获得1936年、1940年、1944年大选连任。第二次世界大战初，美国采取不介入政策，但对希特勒采取强硬手段，以“租借法”支持同盟国。1941年底，美国参战。罗斯福代表美国两次参加同盟国“三巨头”会议。罗斯福政府提出了轴心国必须无条件投降的原则并得到了实施。罗斯福提出了建立联合国的构想，也得到了实施。63岁时由于脑溢血去世。

　　很多网友相信都看过电影《珍珠港》(Pearl Harbor)，第二次世界大战在欧亚大陆打的如火如荼，而跨海相隔的美国却隔岸观火，仿佛事不关己。直到1941年12月7日早晨7点53分，日本突袭美军在夏威夷的基地珍珠港。次日，美国总统罗斯福在国会愤然发表了这篇的演说，至此，太平洋战争全面爆发。

　　Yesterday, December 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.

　　昨天，1941年12月7日──它将永远成为国耻日──美利坚合众国遭到了日本帝国海空军预谋的突然袭击。

　　Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.

　　Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.

　　Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.

　　Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.

　　Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.

　　And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.

　　昨天日本政府也发动了对马来地区的进攻。

　　昨夜日本军队进攻了香港。

　　昨夜日本军队进攻关岛。

　　昨夜日本军队进攻菲律宾群岛。

　　昨夜日本军队进攻威克岛。

　　今晨日本军队进攻了中途岛。

　　演讲全文：Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation

　　Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:

　　Yesterday, December 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.

　　The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.

　　Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message. And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.

　　It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.

　　The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.

　　Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.

　　Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.

　　Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.

　　Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.

　　Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.

　　And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.

　　Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.

　　As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense. But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.

　　No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.

　　I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.

　　Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.

　　With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us God.

　　I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.

篇2：名人演讲：国会大厦告别演讲

　　道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟(Douglas MacArthur)，美国陆军五星上将。出生于阿肯色州小石城的军人世家。1899年中学毕业后考入西点军校，1903年以名列第一的优异成绩毕业，到工程兵部队任职，并赴菲律宾执勤。麦克阿瑟有过50年的军事实践经验，被美国国民称之为“一代老兵”，而其自身的又曾是“美国最年轻的准将、西点军校最年轻的校长、美国陆军历史上最年轻的陆军参谋长”，凭借精妙的军事谋略和敢战敢胜的胆略，麦克阿瑟堪称美国战争史上的奇才。

　　提起这句话：“老兵永远不死，只会慢慢凋零”（Old soldiers never die, they just fade away），就不由得想起那个叼着玉米棒子烟斗的麦克阿瑟，和他在1951年4月19日被解职后在国会大厦发表的题为《老兵不死》著名演讲。

　　我即将结束五十二年的军旅生涯。我从军是在本世纪开始之前，而这是我童年的希望与梦想的实现。自从我在西点军校的教练场上宣誓以来，这个世界已经过多次变化，而我的希望与梦想早已消逝，但我仍记着当时最流行的一首军歌词，极为自豪地宣示“老兵永远不死，只会慢慢凋零”。

　　I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."

　　就像这首歌中的老兵，一位想尽一已之责的老兵，而上帝也赐予光辉使他能看清这一项责任，而我现在结束了军旅生涯，而逐渐凋谢。

　　And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.

　　演讲全文：MacArthur: Farewell Address to Congress

　　Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:

　　I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.

　　I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.

　　Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.

　　Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.

　　In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.

　　Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.

　　The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.

　　Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.

　　Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.

　　This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.

　　To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.

　　Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.

　　There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.

　　I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.

　　The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.

　　Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.

　　Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.

　　On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.

　　With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.

　　This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.

　　Such decisions have not been forthcoming.

　　While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.

　　Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.

　　For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.

　　I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.

　　We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.

　　Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:

　　"Men since the beginning of time have

　　sought peace. Various methods through the

　　ages have been attempted to devise an

　　international process to prevent or settle

　　disputes between nations. From the very

　　start workable methods were found in so

　　far as individual citizens were concerned,

　　but the mechanics of an instrumentality of

　　larger international scope have never

　　been successful. Military alliances,

　　balances of power, Leagues of Nations,

　　all in turn failed, leaving the only path to

　　be by way of the crucible of war. The

　　utter destructiveness of war now blocks

　　out this alternative. We have had our last

　　chance. If we will not devise some

　　greater and more equitable system,

　　Armageddon will be at our door. The

　　problem basically is theological and

　　involves a spiritual recrudescence and

　　improvement of human character that will

　　synchronize with our almost matchless

　　advances in science, art, literature, and all

　　material and cultural developments of

　　the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit

　　if we are to save the flesh."

　　But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.

　　War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.

　　In war there is no substitute for victory.

　　There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.

　　"Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.

　　Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.

　　The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.

　　Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.

　　They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"

　　I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.

　　It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.

　　Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.

　　And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.

　　Good Bye.

篇3：名人演讲:布什胜利演说

　　"The voters turned out in record numbers and delivered anhistoric victory.

　　"Earlier today, Senator Kerry called with his congratulations. We had a really good phone call. He was very gracious.

　　"Senator Kerry waged a spirited campaign, and he and his supporters can be proud of their efforts.

　　"Laura and I wish Senator Kerry and Teresa and their whole family all our best wishes.

　　"America has spoken, and I'm humbled by the trust and the confidence of my fellow citizens.

　　"With that trust comes a duty to serve all Americans. And I will do my best to fulfill that duty every day as your president.

　　"There are many people to thank and my family comes first.

　　"Laura is the love of my life. I'm glad you love her too.

　　"I want to thank our daughters who joined their dad for his last campaign. I appreciate the hard work of my sister and brothers.

　　"I especially want to thank my parents for their loving support. I'm grateful to the vice president and Lynne and their daughters who have worked so hard and been such a vital part of our team.

　　"The vice president serves America with wisdom and honor and I'm proud to serve beside him.

　　"I want to thank my superb campaign team. I want to thank you all for your hard work. I was impressed every day by how hard and how skillful our team was.

　　"I want to thank the thousands of our supporters across our country. I want to thank you for your hugs on the rope lines. I want thank you for your prayers on the rope lines. I want to thank you for your kind words on the rope lines.

　　"I want to thank you for everything you did to make the calls and to put up the signs, to talk to your neighbors and to get out the vote.

　　"And because you did the incredible work, we are celebrating today.

　　"There is an old saying, 'Do not pray for tasks equal to your powers; pray for powers equal to your tasks.'

　　"In four historic years, America has been given great tasks and faced them with strength and courage.

　　"Our people have restored the vigor of this economy and shown resolve and patience in a new kind of war.

　　"Our military has brought justice to the enemy and honor to America. Our nation has defended itself and served the freedom of all mankind.

　　"I'm proud to lead such an amazing country, and I'm proud to lead it forward.

　　"Because we have done the hard work, we are entering a season of hope.

　　"We will continue our economic progress. We'll reform our outdated tax code. We'll strengthen the Social Security for the next generation. We'll make public schools all they can be. And we will uphold our deepest values of family and faith.

　　"We'll help the emerging democracies of Iraq and Afghanistan ... so they can grow in strength and defend their freedom.

　　"And then our service men and women will come home with the honor they have earned.

　　"With good allies at our side, we will fight this war on terror with every resource of our national power so our children can live in freedom and in peace.

　　"Reaching these goals will require the broad support of Americans.

　　So today I want to speak to every person who voted for my opponent.

　　"To make this nation stronger and better, I will need your support and I will work to earn it. I will do all I can do to deserve your trust.

　　"A new term is a new opportunity to reach out to the whole nation. We have one country, one Constitution, and one future that binds us.

　　"And when we come together and work together, there is no limit to the greatness of America.

　　"Let me close with a word for the people of the state of Texas.

　　"We have known each other the longest, and you started me on this journey.

　　"On the open plains of Texas, I first learned the character of our country: sturdy and honest, and as hopeful as the break of day.

　　"I will always be grateful to the good people of my state. And whatever the road that lies ahead, that road will take me home.

　　"The campaign has ended, and the United States of America goes forward with confidence and faith.

　　"I see a great day coming for our country and I am eager for the work ahead.

　　"God bless you and may God bless America."

　　此次选民的投票率创下了历史新高，带来了历史性的胜利。今天早些时候，凯瑞参议员打电话祝贺我竞选成功。我们在电话中谈得很好，他非常亲切。凯瑞参议员发起了充满活力的竞选攻劫，他和他的支持者可以为此感到自豪。萝拉和我向凯瑞、爱德华兹以及他们全家表示最衷心的祝愿。

　　美国做出了选择。对于同胞们的信任，我很感激。这种信任意味著我将承担为所有美国公民服务的义务。作为你们的总统，我每天都将竭尽全力。

　　我需要感谢许多人，首先是我的家人。劳拉是我一生的挚爱，我对你们也爱她感到高兴。我还要感谢在竞选后期加入竞选团的女儿，感谢兄弟姐妹们付出的努力，特别感谢严父慈母的支持。

　　我感谢副总统、（他的夫人）切尼和他们的女儿。他们付出了努力，是竞选团的重要成员。副总统聪明睿智、正直高贵，我为跟他共事感到自豪。

　　我感谢优秀的竞选团，感谢你们所有人付出的努力。你们的勤奋和智慧每天都给我留下了深刻的印象。

　　我感谢全国上下成千上万名支持者，感谢你们在竞选集会上的拥抱、祈祷和亲切言语，感谢你们想方设法打出标语，呼吁邻居前去投票。

　　正是由于你们付出了惊人的努力，我们今天才能庆祝胜利。

　　有句谚语说，不要祈求能力所能胜任的任务，要祈求能胜任任务的能力。在四年历史性时期，美国被赋予了伟大的任务，并以实力和勇气面对这些任务。我国人民使经济活力复苏，并在新型战争中显示出决心和耐心。我军已经将敌人绳之以法，给美国带来了荣誉。我国保卫了自己，维护了全人类的自由。领导这样出色的国家，我感到自豪；带领这个国家前进，我感到自豪。

　　我们已经完成了艰难的任务，进入了充满希望的时期。我们将继续推动经济增长，改革落后的税法，为下一代加强社会保障。我们将尽量改善公立学校，维护在家庭和信仰方面的核心价值观。

　　我们将帮助伊拉克和阿富汗建立民主制度……以便他们增强实力和维护自由。然后，我军官兵将带著他们获得的荣誉回国。在优秀盟国的支持下，我们将动用美国的一切力量打赢这场反恐战争，确保我们的孩子们的自由与和平。

　　要实现这些目标，美国公民的广泛支持是必不可缺的。因此今天，我要对支持对手的所有人说，为了让美国变得更强大更美好，我需要你们的支持，我也将努力获得你们的支持，并将竭尽所能以担当得起你们的支持。

　　新一届任期使我有机会影响整个国家。正是同一个国家、同一部宪法和同一个未来把我们联系在一起。当我们一起努力的时候，美国的前途无可限量。

　　作为结束语，请允许我向得克萨斯州人民讲几句话：我们彼此认识的时间最长，你们是我旅程的起点。在得州广阔无垠的平原上，我初次学到了美国的特点：强壮有力、真诚坦率，充满了黎明般的希望。我将永远感谢这个州的优秀人民。不管前方的路怎么样，这条路都将带我回家。

　　选举已经结束，美国将充满自信地前进。我看到我们的国家正迎来伟大的日子，很期待下一周的开始。

　　愿上帝保佑你们，保佑美国！

篇4：名人演讲:葛底斯堡演说

　　林肯的讲话是极简短、极朴素的。这往往使那些滔滔不绝的讲演家大瞧不起。

　　葛底斯堡战役后，决定为死难烈士举行盛大葬礼。掩葬委员会发给总统一张普通的请帖，他们以为他是不会来的，但林肯答应了。既然总统来，那一定要讲演的，但他们已经请了著名演说家艾佛瑞特来做这件事，因此，他们又给林肯写了信，说在艾佛瑞特演说完毕之后，他们希望他“随便讲几句适当的话”。这是一个侮辱，但林肯平静地接受了。两星期内，他在穿衣、刮脸、吃点心时也想着怎样演说。演说稿改了两三次，他仍不满意。到了葬礼的前一天晚上，还在做最后的修改，然后半夜找到他的同僚高声朗诵。走进会场时，他骑在马上仍把头低到胸前默想着演说辞。

　　那位艾佛瑞特讲演了两个多小时，将近结束时，林肯不安地掏出旧式眼镜，又一次看他的讲稿。他的演说开始了，一位记者支上三角架准备拍摄照片，等一切就绪的时候，林肯已走下讲台。这段时间只有两分钟，而掌声却持续了10分钟。后人给以极高评价的那份演说辞，在今天译成中文，也不过400字。

　　GETTYSBURG ADDRESS

　　Abraham Lincoln

　　Delivered on the 19th Day of November, 1863

　　Cemetery Hill, Gettysburg, Pennsylvania

　　Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.　Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War,testing whether that Nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.　We are met on a great battlefield of that war.　We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live.　It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

　　But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground.　The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.　The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.　It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us; that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom; and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall not perish from the earth.

　　葛底斯堡演说

　　亚伯拉罕·林肯，1963年11月19日

　　87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。

　　但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

篇5：名人演讲

　　何振梁是中国奥委会名誉主席，国际奥委会委员，是北京申奥由失败到成功的标志性人物。今天小编给大家分享一篇何振梁先生在20xx年申奥的精彩演讲，希望对大家有所帮助。

　　名人演讲：何振梁先生在20xx年申奥演讲

　　No matter which decision you make today, it will be recorded in history. However one decision will certainly serve to make history. With your decision here today, you can move the world and China toward an embrace of friendship through sport that will benefit all mankind.

　　Almost 50 years ago, I took part in the Olympic Games for the first time; it was in Helsinki. Since then, I have become deeply attached to the Olympic spirit. And me, like so many of my countrymen, I am convinced that the Olympic values are universal and the Olympic flame lights up the way of progress for all humanity.

　　It has been a dream of mine throughout my career to find a way to bring the Olympic Games to China. I, too, want my countrymen and women to experience the eternal beauty of the Olympic dream in our homeland.

　　By voting for Beijing, you will bring the Games for the first time in the history of Olympism to a country with one fifth of the world's population and give to this billion people the opportunity to serve the Olympic Movement with creativity and devotion.

　　Dear colleagues, the message you send today may signal the beginning of a new era of global unity.

　　If you honor Beijing with the right to host the 20xx Olympic Games, I can assure you, my dear colleagues, that, in seven years from now, Beijing will make you proud of the decision you make here today.

　　Thank you.

　　主席先生、国际奥委会的委员们，

　　无论你们今天做出什么样的选择，都将载入史册。

　　但是只有一种决定可以创造历史。你们今天这个决定可以通过体育促进世界和中国友好相拥在一起，从而造福于全人类。

　　将近50年前，我第一次参加了奥林匹克运动会，那是在赫尔辛基。从那时起我就深深地爱上了奥运精神。和祖国的许多同胞一样，我认为奥林匹克价值理念具有普遍意义，奥林匹克圣火照亮着人类前进的道路。

　　在我的生涯中，我一直梦想着将奥运会带来中国，让我的男女同胞在我的祖国体验奥林匹克理想永恒的魅力。

　　选择北京，你们将在奥林匹克历史上第一次将奥运会带到拥有世界上五分之一人口的国家，让十亿人民有机会用他们的创造力和奉献精神为奥林匹克运动服务。

　　你们所传达的信息也许将意味着一个全球团结新时代的开始。

　　如果你们把举办20xx年奥运会的荣誉授予北京，亲爱的同事们，我可以向你们保证，7年之后，北京将让你们为今天的决定而自豪。

　　谢谢!

篇6：名人演讲：ShallWeChooseDeath?

　　SHALL WE CHOOSE DEATH?

　　Bertrand Russell

　　December 30, 1954

　　I am speaking not as a Briton, not as a European, not as a member of a western democracy, but as a human being, a member of the species Man, whose continued existence is in doubt. The world is full of conflicts: Jews and Arabs; Indians and Pakistanis; white men and Negroes in Africa; and, overshadowing all minor conflicts, the titanic struggle between communism and anticommunism.

　　Almost everybody who is politically conscious has strong feelings about one or more of these issues; but I want you, if you can, to set aside such feelings for the moment and consider yourself only as a member of a biological species which has had a remarkable history and whose disappearance none of us can desire. I shall try to say no single word which should appeal to one group rather than to another. All, equally, are in peril, and, if the peril is understood, there is hope that they may collectively avert it. We have to learn to think in a new way. We have to learn to ask ourselves not what steps can be taken to give military victory to whatever group we prefer, for there no longer are such steps. The question we have to ask ourselves is: What steps can be taken to prevent a military contest of which the issue must be disastrous to all sides?

　　The general public, and even many men in positions of authority, have not realized what would be involved in a war with hydrogen bombs. The general public still thinks in terms of the obliteration of cities. It is understood that the new bombs are more powerful than the old and that, while one atomic bomb could obliterate Hiroshima, one hydrogen bomb could obliterate the largest cities such as London, New York, and Moscow. No doubt in a hydrogen-bomb war great cities would be obliterated. But this is one of the minor disasters that would have to be faced. If everybody in London, New York, and Moscow were exterminated, the world might, in the course of a few centuries, recover from the blow. But we now know, especially since the Bikini test, that hydrogen bombs can gradually spread destruction over a much wider area than had been supposed. It is stated on very good authority that a bomb can now be manufactured which will be 25,000 times as powerful as that which destroyed Hiroshima. Such a bomb, if exploded near the ground or under water, sends radioactive particles into the upper air. They sink gradually and reach the surface of the earth in the form of a deadly dust or rain. It was this dust which infected the Japanese fishermen and their catch of fish although they were outside what American experts believed to be the danger zone. No one knows how widely such lethal radioactive particles might be diffused, but the best authorities are unanimous in saying that a war with hydrogen bombs is quite likely to put an end to the human race. It is feared that if many hydrogen bombs are used there will be universal death - sudden only for a fortunate minority, but for the majority a slow torture of disease and disintegration...

　　Here, then, is the problem which I present to you, stark and dreadful and inescapable: Shall we put an end to the human race1 or shall mankind renounce war? People will not face this alternative because it is so difficult to abolish war. The abolition of war will demand distasteful limitations of national sovereignty. But what perhaps impedes understanding of the situation more than anything else is that the term 'mankind' feels vague and abstract. People scarcely realize in imagination that the danger is to themselves and their children and their grandchildren, and not only to a dimly apprehended humanity' And so they hope that perhaps war may be allowed to continue provided modern weapons are prohibited. I am afraid this hope is illusory. Whatever agreements not to use hydrogen bombs had been reached in time of peace, they would no longer be considered binding in time of war, and both sides would set to work to manufacture hydrogen bombs as soon as war broke out, for if one side manufactured the bombs and the other did not, the side that manufactured them would inevitably be victorious...

　　As geological time is reckoned, Man has so far existed only for a very short period one million years at the most. What he has achieved, especially during the last 6,000 years, is something utterly new in the history of the Cosmos, so far at least as we are acquainted with it. For countless ages the sun rose and set, the moon waxed and waned, the stars shone in the night, but it was only with the coming of Man that these things were understood. In the great world of astronomy and in the little world of the atom, Man has unveiled secrets which might have been thought undiscoverable. In art and literature and religion, some men have shown a sublimity of feeling which makes the species worth preserving. Is all this to end in trivial horror because so few are able to think of Man rather than of this or that group of men? Is our race so destitute of wisdom, so incapable of impartial love, so blind even to the simplest dictates of self-preservation, that the last proof of its silly cleverness is to be the extermination of all life on our planet? - for it will be not only men who will perish, but also the animals, whom no one can accuse of communism or anticommunism.

　　I cannot believe that this is to be the end. I would have men forget their quarrels for a moment and reflect that, if they will allow themselves to survive, there is every reason to expect the triumphs of the future to exceed immeasurably the triumphs of the past. There lies before us, if we choose, continual progress in happiness, knowledge, and wisdom. Shall we, instead, choose death, because we cannot forget our quarrels? I appeal, as a human being to human beings: remember your humanity, and forget the rest. If you can do so, the way lies open to a new Paradise; if you cannot, nothing lies before you but universal death.

　　我们该选择死亡吗？

　　伯特兰·罗素

　　1954年12月30日

　　我不是作为一个英国人、一个欧洲人、一个西方民主国家的一员，而是作为一个人，作为不知是否还能继续生存下去的人类的一员在讲演。世界充满了争斗：犹太人和阿拉伯人；印度人和巴勒斯坦人；非洲的白人和黑人；以及使所有的小冲突都相形见绌的共产主义和反共产主义之间的大搏斗。

　　差不多每个有政治意识的人都对这类问题怀有强烈的感受；但是我希望你们，如果你们能够的话，把这份感受暂搁一边，并把自己只看作一种具有非凡历史、谁也不希望它灭亡的生物的一员。可能会迎合一群人而冷落另一群人的词语，我将努力一个字都不说。所有的人，不分彼此，都处在危险之中；如果大家都看到了这种危险，那么就有希望联合起来避开它。我们必须学习新的思想方法。我们必须学习不自问能采取什么措施来使我们所喜欢的人群获得军事上的胜利，因为不再有这样的措施。我们必须自问的问题是：能采取什么措施来避免必然会给各方造成灾难的军事竞赛？

　　普通群众，甚至许多当权人士，不清楚一场氢弹战所包含的会是什么。普通群众仍旧从城市的毁灭上思考问题。不言而喻，新炸弹比旧炸弹更具威力——一颗原弹能毁灭广岛，而一颗氢弹能毁灭像伦敦、纽约和菲斯科这样的大都市。毫无疑问，一场氢弹战将会毁灭大城市。但这只是世界必须面对的小灾难中的一个。假如化敦人、纽约人和莫斯科人都灭绝了，世界可能要经过几个世纪才能从这场灾难中恢复过来。而我们现在，尤其是从比基尼核试验以来很清楚：氢弹能够逐渐把破坏力扩散到一个比预料要广大得多的地区。据非常权威的人士说，现在能够制造出一种炸弹，其威力比毁灭广岛的炸弹大2.5万倍。这种炸弹如果在近地或水下爆炸，会把放射性微粒送入高层大气。这些微粒逐渐降落，呈有毒灰尘或毒雨的状态到达地球表面。正是这种灰尘使日本渔民和他们所捕获的鱼受到了感染，尽管他们并不在美国专家所确认的危险区之内。没有人知道这种致命的放射性微粒怎么会传播得这么广，但是这个领域的最高权威一致表示：一场氢弹战差不多就是灭绝人类的代名词。如果许多氢弹被使用，死神恐怕就会降临全球——只有少数幸运者才会突然死亡，大多数人却须忍受疾病和解体的慢性折磨……

　　这里，我要向你提起一个直率的、令人不快而又无法回避的问题：我们该消灭人类，还是人类该抛弃战争？人们不愿面对这个抉择，因为消灭战争太难了。消灭战争要求限制国家主权，这令人反感。然而“人类”这个专门名词给人们的感觉是模糊、抽象的，它可能比任何其他东西都更容易妨碍认识这种形势。人们几乎没有用自己的想象力去认识这种危险不仅指向他们所模模糊糊理解的人类，而且指向他们自己和他们的子子孙孙。于是他们相信只要禁止使用现代武器，也许可以允许战争继续下去。恐怕这个愿望只是幻想。任何不使用氢弹的协定是在和平时期达成的，在战争时期这种协定就被认为是没有约束力的，一旦战争爆发，双方就会着手制造氢弹，因为如果一方制造氢弹而另一方不造的话，造氢弹的一方必然会取胜……

　　按照地质年代来计算，人类到目前为止只存在了一个极短的时期——最多100万年。在至少就我们所了解的宇宙而言，人类在特别是最近6000年里所达到的认识，在宇宙史上是一些全新的东西。太阳升升落落，月亮盈盈亏亏，夜空星光闪烁，无数岁月就这样过去了，只是到人类出现以后，这些才被理解。在天文学的宏观世界和原子的微观世界，人类揭示了原先可能认为无法提示的秘密。在艺术、文学和宗教领域里，一些人显示了一种崇高的感情，它使人们懂得人类是值得保全的。难道因为很少有人能考虑整个人类多于这个或那个人群，这一切就会在毫无价值的恐怖行动中结束吗？人类是否如此缺少智慧，如此缺少无私的爱，如此盲目，甚至连自我保存的最简单命令都听不见，以致要用灭绝地球上的所有生命来最后证明它那缺乏理智的小聪明？——因为不驻人会被消灭，而且动物也会被消灭，没有人能指责它们是共产主义或反共产主义。

　　我无法相信结局会是这样。人们如果想让自己生存下去，他们就应暂时忘掉争吵，进行反省，人们有千万条理由期待未来的成就极大地超过以往的成就，如果让我们选择，那么擂在我们面前的有幸福、知识和智慧的持续增长。我们能因为无法忘掉争吵而舍此去选择死亡吗？作为一个人，我向所有的人呼吁：记住你们的人性，忘掉其余的一切。如果你们能这样做，通向一个新的天堂的路就畅通无阻；如果你们做不到这一点，摆在你们面前的就只有全世界的毁灭。

来源: https://www.512406.cn/articles/z7i6.html